Can Hacking Be Controlled?

President Barack Obama will ask Congress to pass legislation that would require companies to better protect consumer data as well as tighten restrictions on student data privacy, according to a White House official. The Personal Data Notification and Protection Act, which Obama is expected to announce at the Federal Trade Commission on Monday, comes in the wake of recent company breaches including Sony, Home Depot, Neiman Marcus, and Target. U.S. companies would be required to inform customers within 30 days if their data has been hacked, while also making it a crime to sell customers’ identities overseas. Obama will also propose the Student Digital Privacy Act, which would prevent companies from selling student information to third parties and from using school data for targeted advertising.
Some think that most hacking is an inside job and that companies and indiividuals are both going to have to monitor their privacy protection.

Is Hacking An Inside Job?

The Power of the Image

Matt Taibbi writes:  Older, legacy outlets like the New York Times, the Washington Post, CNN, and the Associated Press almost all turtled when faced with the decision of whether or not to print the offending cartoons which precipitated terrorist murder in Paris.

In a world dominated by image journalism, we suddenly became lovers of letters again, satisfied that verbal descriptions are enough to convey the gist of the story. Here’s how the New York Times explained its decision (emphasis mine):

Under Times standards, we do not normally publish images or other material deliberately intended to offend religious sensibilities. After careful consideration, Times editors decided that describing the cartoons in question would give readers sufficient information to understand today’s story.

Right, because who needs pictures when you can just describe the thing? Imagine if news outlets collectively decided to only verbally describe the events of 9/11? (Ironically, the attack would have had significantly less impact, been less of a boon for terrorist recruiting worldwide, had they done that).

These complaints immediately thrust us way back in time, to the late Eighties, back to the pre-Internet days when large numbers of Americans were capable of being shocked by artists like Robert Mapplethorpe and Andres Serrano. The latter’s Piss Christ, a set piece of a crucifix submerged in the artist’s own urine, caused Serrano to receive death threats back in the day. The piece was ultimately vandalized by angry Catholic activists.

Now a secondary result of the Hebdo bombings has been a move by our society to censor itself in ways it wasn’t willing to before the attacks.

Beyond all of that, the publish-or-not issue is a controversy only an intellectual could talk himself into. There’s been talk, both before the Hebdo attacks and since, that the cartoons were “silly provocations” (this was Le Figaro’s pre-attack judgment) and that other similar satires were just so much “oil on the fire” (this was what French foreign minister Laurent Fabius said, also prior to the attack).

The implication is that, yes, we have a right to be offensive, but let’s not be offensive this time, maybe just this once, because — and this is the part that’s usually not said out loud — this particular group of satire targets is more than unusually violent and nuts and struggles more even than the average fundamentalist on the sense of humor front.

That point of view is a gross and shameful capitulation. I’m against easing back on the offensive cartoons “just this once” for the same reason I don’t believe in fighting al-Qaeda by “temporarily” tossing out habeas corpus and committing acts of torture: you lose in advance when you give up your culture.

Free speech is a crucial part of who we are. If we give it up because a vocal minority in a different culture disagrees — a minority, incidentally that believes we had things figured better in the seventh century — then we don’t deserve free speech at all. And yes, it sucks that we have to risk bloodshed and destruction over a cartoon, but that’s what’s on the line here, our way of life.

The answer here isn’t more self-censorship, but standing on the principle of everyone learning to calm down, get a life, and tolerate the occasional weird idea. This is particularly true when the only places these ideas are “displayed” are on Internet servers, where you have to go looking for them to find them. We’re really going to run even from that? Since when do we give in to bullies so easily?

Note: W-T-W.org is committed to using the work of cartoonists around the world to make pithy, trenchant commments on the articles we run. Here is contributor Doaa Eladl:

Je Suis Charlie

Russia’s Movie Leviathan: Life?

Mascha Gessen writes about Leviathan Russia’s academy award nomination this year.In a recent speech the country’s minister of culture made a reference to Leviathan  without naming it, calling its genre “films about ‘Russia the shithole.’” So why did Russia support its nomination? Vladimir Menshov, the head of the Oscar nominating committee, opposed Leviathan’s candidacy. “It’s a very strong work,” he has said, “but it is difficult…The film is so hopeless!”.Many Russians believe that foreigners, or at least Americans, already see Russian life precisely as vile and desperate, and that this view is unfair. So the vote for Leviathan says,  Go ahead, give your decadent award to a movie that shows Russia the way you Americans view it anyway.How desirable could Oscar recognition be in a country that views itself as being at war with the United States (by proxy of Ukraine)? Two other possible Russian award contenders, pulled their own films out of the nominating process. Konchalovsky explained that he did not want any Hollywood handouts. If Zvyagintsev does get the Academy Award, he will likely be condemned for it at home, by the media and the ministry of culture—in a sad echo of Menshov’s own experience in 1980.In their infinite cynicism, the Russian selectors have probably overestimated Americans’ ability to imagine the depth of Russia’s despair. What keeps the viewer glued to the screen for 141 minutes of unambiguous characters against a sparse landscape are the very fine details and vagaries of Russian misfortune. Just how will things become as bad as they are clearly fated to become?

The viewer does not need to know anything about Russia to follow the drama of the little man fighting the System. Viewers will be able to catch references to recent political events. Graffiti that appears to be part of a newscast says PUSSY RIOT. And at the very end, another reference to the protest-art group comes in an on-screen sermon: “When blasphemy is called a prayer,” says the priest, referring to Pussy Riot’s “Punk Prayer,” a protest in a Moscow cathedral for which three members were sentenced to two years in jail, “that constitutes the destruction of truth.” The film continues the conversation Pussy Riot started in 2012. The group screamed in protest against the symbiosis of church and state, and landed in jail. Now Dmitri, the lawyer, is trying to fight the church-court-state machine with facts. Dmitri does not believe in God, revelations, or confessions of any sort. He places his faith in facts only.

With Kolya in jail, Dmtri goes to see the mayor. He has the facts about the mayor’s own past crimes—and he is certain he can blackmail him into obeying the law. Such is the power of facts. The mayor is indeed scared for a second.

“What do you want?” he asks.

“I want Nikolay to keep what’s his,” says the lawyer.

“Oh, but that is impossible,” responds the bureaucrat, and the clarity of this statement appears to set him at ease.

This scene occurs early on in the movie, and from this moment we know how it will all end. Facts are helpless before Truth—and the Russian Leviathan has a monopoly on the truth.

Leviathan

Note. After this article was published, Leviathan  won the G olden Globe award for

Best foreign film of the year.


Paris: A Tragedy Beyond Words

W-T-W Women and Finance celebrates the work of cartoonists across the globe.  We are appalled by the shooting and deaths in Paris.  Cartoonists offer an easily understood, packed punch portraying the important issues of our time.  It is beyond tragic when their work is so effective that it endangers their lives.

The Power of the Pen

Xi and Li: Growth Slowing, Service Industries Growing, Urbanization

Kerry Brown writes:  China new ideology is Xiism. Xi’s power could be seen through his control over Party messaging.

Xi’s power could also be seen in a more brutally political way in the ongoing anti-corruption campaign, which finally reached former Politburo Standing Committee member, Zhou Yongkang, who was formally expelled from the Party and indicted for ‘corruption and fornication.’   This showed Xi was willing to take on powerful vested interests and deal with the consequences.Public approval of Xi’s corruption campaign was high, leading to a whole new mode of behaviour by officials. And the Fourth Plenum held in October 2014 produced a lengthy disquisition on strengthening ‘rule of law with socialist characteristics’ which also appealed to the all-important Chinese middle class whose interest is in stronger property rights, a more predictable legal environment and a sense that the government was listening.

Xi’s colleague, Premier Li Keqiang visited the UK, India and other countries during the year, but his profile was low. It seems that the real manager of China’s slowing economy was Liu He, who Xi regards as one of his most trusted advisors.

Both Xi and Li remained consistent on one issue: China’s growth rate is now set at below 7.5 per cent and the Chinese people have to live in a world where double-digit GDP growth is a thing of the past. The main focus now is on creating an economy that is service sector orientated, that consumes more, that is more urban, and that is less driven by investment than it has been in the past.

Xi spearheaded a diplomatic offensive, visiting countries in Latin America, Africa, South Asia and then, in November, attending the G20 summit in Brisbane, visiting Canberra and travelling to New Zealand and Fiji. In Brussels in late March he articulated the concept of the EU and China being ‘civilisational partners’. But he also managed to come up with the New Silk Road mantra, which covered a land and maritime link. And he embraced a Russia ostracised by Europe and America.

Even with the US, Xi was able to produce a major environment protocol with his American counterpart. He also announced with Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott final details of a Free Trade Agreement, and supported an Asia-wide free trade zone concept, the FTAAP.  A tepid rapprochement was made with Japan in November.

After its initial support for the Hong Kong government’s proposals for how elections for the Chief Executive in 2017 might be run, it largely kept out of direct dealings with the protests in the city. On Taiwan, too, Xi continued to be a mixture of pushy and supportive of incumbent President Ma Jing-jeou.

Ironically, perhaps the one area where Xi seemed to be bereft of new ideas was North Korea, which he dealt with largely by ignoring it.

In one area XI remained consistent with its predecessors: human rights lawyers and dissidents were ruthlessly dealt with: IIlham Tohti, a Beijing-based Uighur academic received a life sentence. Academics, intellectuals and people from the artistic sphere were given strict instructions on what was proscribed.

.Xi and Li Team

EU: Change Rules on Debts and Deficits, Don’t Bend Them?

John Bruton writes:  Change the EU treaty rules on debts and deficits, but don’t bend them.

The European Union (EU) is a group of sovereign states, each entirely free to leave the EU. There is no coercive force to make Britain or any other country remain in the union. Britain enjoys a freedom, within the EU, that colonies did not enjoy within the British or other European empires. Britain is, therefore, entirely within its rights in considering the option of leaving the EU.

The EU does not exist on the basis of coercion. It exists on the basis of common rules or treaties that EU members have so far freely abided by, even when particular decisions were not to their liking. If countries started systematically ignoring EU decisions, the union would  soon disappear.

One particularly important set of EU rules are the ones that apply to budget deficits and debts of EU countries within the eurozone. These rules have been incorporated in EU treaties and in treaties between euro area states. One provision is that if a country has an excessive deficit, it must reduce that by an amount equivalent to 0.5% of gross domestic product (GDP) each year until it reaches a deficit below 3%.

France and Italy, big states that were founding members of the EU, have both produced budgets for 2015 that do not comply with the rules.  Some will argue it’s the rules that are at fault, not France and Italy. Inflation is negative, so debts increase in value while prices fall.

Countries are caught in a debt deflation trap of a kind that was not envisaged when the rules were drawn up. But that is an argument for changing the rules, not an argument for ignoring them or pretending they have been complied with, when they haven’t.

Changing the rules would require EU treaty change, and nobody wants to change the treaties, because such a move would have to be unanimously agreed upon by all 28 EU states. Other EU members fear that would be an opportunity for Britain to use the lever of blocking a treaty change to revise the fiscal rules as a means of getting a concession of British demands for: a restriction of free movement of people within the EU; vetoes for a minority of national parliaments on EU legislation; and the scrapping of the “ever closer union” within the EU.

If the EU is unable to change its treaties the union will eventually die. Daniel Gros, of the Centre for European Policy Studies, criticized the European Commission of Jean Claude Juncker for failing to either insist that France and Italy stick by the existing fiscal rules or, if not, call for a revision of the rules to take account of the exceptional deflationary conditions that exist.

Don’t bend the rules.  Change them.

The Price of European Union

Finland Struggles

Russian sanctions have hit Finland hard, but this is not the country’s only problem.

Economically, the bigger problem is the longer-term slow-down that the global economy faces. This affects Finland, the eurozone and Russia. In addition, the Finnish economy is in the middle of a severe structural change, as employment is decreasing in the traditional wood-processing, paper and heavy industry sectors. Surprisingly, employment is also decreasing in certain service sector areas, such as banking. The situation has further deteriorated because of the ageing population of Finland. This poses a triple challenge to our economy and growth prospects. Russia and sanctions are not our main economic concern.

Finland is a country that ranks high on all indices of transparency, lack of corruption and press freedom.  Are its problems an indication of what is in store for other aging economies?

Here is a trenchant interview of Finland/’s former finance minister, Jutta Urpalainen by a prominent Iranian journalist, Kourosh Zibari.  Finland

Finland

Normalization with Cuba

For Cubans who think of themselves as economic immigrants, the changes in US policy will lead to a welcome normalization of their lives: it will be easier for them to visit and be visited by their families, to send cash and goods, to maintain an effective connection to their homeland. The Florida Straits where so many have perished will no longer be a cemetery but a bridge. It is even conceivable that in the not-too-distant future some may chose to commute between Cuba and South Florida, which are no more distant from each other than New York and Philadelphia.

For an older generation of emigrants,  normalization would mean, in the first and most fundamental instance, the disappearance of the regime that forced us to abandon our homeland.  One Cuban describes his arrival in the US in th 1960s.

“I left Cuba with my parents and siblings in the 1960s, when I was too young to understand the meaning of exile. I thought that we were going on vacation. But in the half-century since, I have not stopped thinking of myself as an exile. And so to the question, what will normalization mean for long-term exiles like me? – the answer is: nothing.”

These Cubans count on a Cuba which is  an open, pluralistic society.  But it will never be that. Some may always consider themselves exiles. The normalization of relations has done is to bring home, more powerfully than ever before, that the Cuban exile is a vanishing breed.

Whatever happens in Cuba in the future will have happened too late. Too many lives have been lost, too many families have been torn apart. One of the bitter facts of Cuban history is that those who were alive at the beginning of the Castro dictatorship will not be alive to celebrate its end.

Cuban Exiles