Guessing About the US Fed’s Interest Policy

The New York Fed reports:  By now it is common knowledge that over the past two years the primary source of stock buying have been corporations themselves (recall Goldman’s admission that “buybacks have been the largest source of overall US equity demand in recent years”) with two consecutive years of near record stock repurchases. However, now that a December rate hike appears practically certain following the “pristine” October jobs report, suddenly the question is whether the recent strong flows into bond funds will continue, and generously fund ongoing repurchase activity.

The latest fund flow report from BofA puts this into perspective:  The increase in interest rates is starting to impact US mutual fund and ETF flows.

More concerning for corporations than even fund flows, which will surely see even bigger outflows now that both yields are spreads are set to blow out making debt issuance far less attractive to corporations whose cash flows continue to deteriorate, is what the NY Fed reported as activity by Primary Dealer, i.e., the most connected, “smartest people in the room” who indirectly execute the Fed’s actions in the public markets, in the most recent week.

As the charts below show, the Primary Dealers aren’t waiting for the December announcement to express how they feel about their holdings of both Investment Grade and Junk Bond (mostly in the longer, 5-10Y, 10Y+ maturity buckets where duration risk is highest).

Indeed, as of the week ended October 28, Primary Dealer corporate holdings tumbled across both IG and HY, plunging to the lowest level in years in what can only be called a rapid liquidation of all duration risk.

Investment Grade Bonds:

 

And Junk Bonds:

 

Why would dealers be liquidating their corporate bond portfolios at such a fast pace?

For junk, the obvious answer is that with ongoing concerns around rising leverage, not to mention yields being dragged higher by the ongoing pain in the energy sector, this may be merely a proactive move ahead of even more selling.

But for IG the answer is less clear, and the selling likely suggests fears that any December rate hike will see spreads blow out even further, and as a result dealers are cutting their exposure ahead of December.

 

Entrepreneur Alert: Cuba

The Rocky Road to Globalization

About 50 American businesses came to Havana for a trade expo, many of them intrigued but still unclear how to make money in a Communist-ruled country of 11 million people who have little purchasing power.

With detente raising hopes that full commercial ties could be restored, U.S. companies are being drawn to Cuba. But it is a market whose attraction defies convention, given that foreign businesses complain about the island’s bizarre dual-currency system, rigid labor market and opaque legal guarantees.

One U.S. company that is in line to open the first American factory in Cuba in more than half a century is interested in the island only because its co-founder was born here.

Alabama-based Cleber LLC says it has been approved by the Cuban government to assemble tractors at the special development zone surrounding the port of Mariel. But because of the continuing U.S. trade embargo, Cleber would need special U.S. permission to open shop.

“We can open businesses anywhere in the world. Cuba is special on a personal basis,” said Saul Berenthal, a Cuban-American who left the island in 1960, the year after Fidel Castro’s rebels came to power.

U.S. President Barack Obama and Cuban President Raul Castro agreed last December to end Cold War-era animosity and restore diplomatic relations, but the embargo remains in place as only the U.S. Congress can lift it.

Obama has permitted some commerce, such as telecommunications, and allowed U.S. companies to sell to Cuba’s nascent private sector, adding to existing limited business.

The newcomers can look at the experience of privately held shipping company Crowley Maritime Corporation, which has been making losses or breaking even in Cuba for 14 years.

Jacksonville, Florida-based Crowley entered Cuba in 2001, after Washington started allowing food sales to Cuba, largely because Jay Brickman fell in love with Cuba in 1978, when his boss Thomas Crowley first sent him to Cuba to investigate business opportunities.

Brickman, now vice president of government services for Crowley, said he expects profits soon under the market-friendly changes from the U.S. and Cuban governments.

“Is it worth it, only in a business sense? No,” Brickman said from the annual Havana International Fair. His reward has been many friendships and a book he authored, he said.

As Crowley and European, Canadian and Latin American investors can attest, uncertainties hang over the business climate.

“How guaranteed is your investment? Are you sure that you can make profits? Are you sure that there will be no confiscation of your industry?” Brickman said.

There are U.S. companies with a firm business plan. Sprint Corp signed an agreement with Cuba’s state telecoms monopoly Etecsa on Sept. 25 and added an agreement on roaming services on Monday.

Others are global giants that see every market as worthy of capturing. Among the visiting U.S. companies this week were PepsiCo, American Airlines, Boeing, Cargill and Caterpillar.

U.S. businesses at the trade fair appeared united in opposing the embargo. Congressional advocates of the embargo argue it should remain in place to pressure Cuba on human rights.

“It’s not fair for our politicians to be blocking us from at least exploring the opportunity,” said Michael Maisel, international liaison for Commonwealth Packaging Company. “At that point, we take the risk, but at least let us get to that point.”

Cuba Opportunities

Oil Prices and Oil Production

Oil production and oil prices worldwide.

Doc Moncal writes:  How long can Saudi Arabia operate their country in the red on $45.00 bbl oil before cutting production to increase their profit margins?ay  With oil prices in the $40-50 range, it sounds like Saudi Arabia will be able to continue on its current course for about 3-5 years, depending on the efforts they undertake to cut expenditures and raise outside funds via debt.

Oil Prices

The key focal point for analysts keen on assessing the financial stress in the Saudi Arabian government is measuring the country’s foreign currency reserves. From a peak of $737 billion in August 2014, they have fallen to $672 billion in May 2015, or at a rate of $12 billion per month. That rate was partially impacted by generous grants to the population by King Salman immediately upon assuming the throne, but continued low oil prices, ongoing government expenditures and the Yemen war effort are taking its toll on the country’s foreign currency reserves. Based on the monthly reserve decline rate, the government would have 47 months before reaching the 2009 low level of reserves, meaning it would happen in early 2019.

The IMF reported on breakeven oil prices and years of fiscal reserves for MENAP nations in October with similar conclusions of KSA requiring oil prices just above $100 to balance its budget and fiscal reserves of slightly over 5 years based on $50 oil:

Saudi Arabia has many options to improve its financial situation (cutting fuel subsidies, delaying large capital expenditures, reducing defense spending, austerity measures, and issuing debt, among others). Of course, all of those options carry with them risks of damage to the economy and potential civil unrest.

An economic argument to be made for KSA to curtail oil production. At 10.3 MMbopd of production at $45, the kingdom stands to generate $169 billion over 1 year. At 9 MMbopd at $60, oil revenue would climb 17% to $197 billion.

Almost certainly a reduction of over 1 MMbopd would lead to a significant ($10+) increase in oil prices, especially given the decline in US production and the still ongoing shake-up among US producers, the massive CAPEX reductions made in 2015 and set to go further in 2016, and smaller disruptions in Brazil and Libya currently ongoing.

Granted, the Saudis would give up some market share in cutting production, most likely to Iran, Russia, and other Gulf states. But the ability of those countries (or any country besides Saudi Arabia) to significantly increase production to make up for such a decline and meet increasing oil demand (expected to rise over 1MM bopd next year) is negligible. The billions of dollars of investment required are simply not forthcoming.

Oil Production

Global Warming and Cooling Means…

Variations in global warming and cooling do not contradict overall warming data.

Journal of Glaciology has found the Antarctic ice sheet is expanding because accumulated snowfall is outpacing melting glaciers.  This has drawn sharp criticism from many climate scientists. While it does not contradict the science on global warming, it has pried open a long-standing debate about how warming is effecting the largest ice mass on the planet.

This is representative of some general problems in interpreting climate data:  (1) The increase in the overall average temperature of the planet does not mean that some areas cannot be cooling.  Over the last two centuries temperatures in the arctic have risen about twice the rate of the global average.  That fact means that there must have been areas on earth that have seen temperature rises less than average, or maybe even decreasing.  (2) Temperature changes, particularly non-uniformly distributed changes, will likely produce changes in participation, both amount and distribution.  This second consideration means that the antarctic could have a greater amount on annual ice melt because of rising temperatures offset by an increase in the rate of ice accumulation due to more snowfall.  So Antarctica could be warming and increasing ice cover at the same time.  And then there is an increase in sea ice in the water surrounding Antarctica which further complicates the overall picture.

African Development: Infrastructure Key?

The relationship between manufacturing, development in emerging nations and ‘growth’ in developed ones is a challenging issue.

From the Economist:  Over the past 15 years sub-Saharan African economies have expanded at an average rate of about 5% a year, enough to have doubled output over the period. They were helped largely by a commodities boom that was caused, in part, by rapid urbanisation in China. As China’s economy has slowed, the prices of many commodities mined in Africa have slumped again. Copper, for instance, now sells for about half as much as it did at its peak. This, in turn, is hitting Africa’s growth: the IMF reckons it will slip to under 4% this year, leading many to fret that a harmful old pattern of commodity-driven boom and bust in Africa is about to repeat itself. One of the main reasons to worry is that Africa’s manufacturing industry has largely missed out on the boom.

The figures are stark. The UN’s Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA), which is publishing a big report on industrialization in Africa next month, reckons that from 1980 to 2013 the African manufacturing sector’s contribution to the continent’s total economy actually declined from 12% to 11%, leaving it with the smallest share of any developing region. Moreover, in most countries in sub-Saharan Africa, manufacturing’s share of output has fallen during the past 25 years. A comparison of Africa and Asia is striking. In Africa manufacturing provides just over 6% of all jobs, a figure that barely changed over more than three decades to 2008. In Asia the figure grew from 11% to 16% over the same period.

Many countries deindustrialize as they grow richer (growth in service-based parts of the economy, such as entertainment, helps shrink manufacturing’s slice of the total). But many African countries are deindustrializing while they are still poor, raising the worrying prospect that they will miss out on the chance to grow rich by shifting workers from farms to higher-paying factory jobs.

Premature deindustrialisation is not just happening in Africa—other developing countries are also seeing the growth of factories slowing, partly because technology is reducing the demand for low-skilled workers. Manufacturing has become less labor intensive across the board.

Yet deindustrialization appears to be hitting African countries particularly hard. This is partly because weak infrastructure drives up the costs of making things.

Africa’s second disadvantage is its bounty of natural riches. Booming commodity prices over the past decade brought with them the “Dutch disease”: economies benefiting from increased exports of oil and the like tend to see their exchange rates driven up, which then makes it cheaper to import goods such as cars and fridges, and harder to produce and export locally manufactured goods.

Africa’s final snag is its geography. East Asia’s string of successes happened under the “flying geese” model of development, where a “lead” country creates a slipstream for others to follow. This happened first in the 1970s, when Japan moved labour-intensive manufacturing to Taiwan and South Korea. But Africa seems to have missed the flock.

Ethiopia has bucked this trend.  Tanzania, where manufacturing output has grown 7.5% annually from 1997-2012, is wooing Chinese and Singaporean clothing firms and started building its first megaport and industrial park last month. Rwanda has attracted investment from Helen Ai, the woman behind Ethiopia’s most successful shoe firm. Her garment factory plans to hire 1,000 workers by the end of the year.

Nonetheless, factories are not creating nearly enough jobs for the millions of young people moving into cities each year. Most of them end up in part-time employment in low-productivity businesses such as groceries or restaurants, which are limited by the tiny domestic economy; Africa generates only 2% of the world’s demand. To grow fast, African countries need to shift workers into more productive industries. Their governments need to provide the infrastructure and the incentives for manufacturing firms to set up. Without determined action, they risk another lost decade as the commodity bust deepens.

 

State Dept. Keeps Keystone Pipeline in the Pipeline

The State Department rejected TransCanada’s request to pause the review of the Keystone XL pipeline, after the company sought it earlier this week. The proposal from the company was seen as an effort to stall the process until after President Obama’s administration, as he is expected to reject it. 

TransCanada Corp’s request to the State Department for a delay was seen by many as an attempt to postpone the decision until after President Barack Obama left office and a new president more friendly to the plan took over in 2017.

The White House declined to comment on the State Department’s decision.

Keystone Pipeline

Financing Infrastructure

Financing infrastructure is one of the most important challenges faced by governments worldwide.

Thomas Maier writes: Infrastructure – from roads and railways to ports and bridges – and economic growth go together. That is why international financial institutions need to answer appeals for greater investment to help close a $1 trillion global “infrastructure gap.” Our best chance of meeting the world’s growing infrastructure needs is to use multilateral development banks’ unique relationships with governments and the private sector to coordinate our response.

Consider, for example, the progress already being felt in emerging markets. In the past year, the World Bank Group, the Asian Development Bank (ADB), the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB), the African Development Bank, the European Investment Bank, and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) have all created “project preparation facilities” (PPFs) to improve the quality of project development, while also strengthening the local capacity needed to ensure lasting results.

The various PPFs that have been launched can act as a model for public officials in emerging markets to emulate. The Infrastructure Project Preparation Facility, launched by the EBRD last year, is one example: by using pre-selected “framework consultants,” the facility can accelerate high-quality project preparation for both public-sector projects and public-private partnerships (PPPs). This dual focus is important: private-sector finance is critical, but the public sector still finances some 90% of all infrastructure investment worldwide.

Another important innovation is the online “PPP Knowledge Lab,” launched in June with support from multilateral development banks

Then there is the International Infrastructure Support System (IISS), an online tool directly supported by a number of international financial institutions during its initial start-up phase in 2015 and early 2016.

But any system is only as good as its participants. Responding to the need for more systematic and “standardized” learning, the World Bank Group, supported by the ADB, IADB, EBRD, and the Islamic Development Bank, has commissioned a new Global Certification Program for PPP Professionals. Emerging-market officials will earn accreditation by demonstrating the ability to apply their knowledge practically.

One useful tool in the effort is “Infrascope,”a benchmarking index created by the Economist Intelligence Unit that assesses the capacity of emerging-market countries across the Asia-Pacific region, Latin America, Africa, Eastern Europe, and the former Soviet republics in the Commonwealth of Independent States to deliver sustainable PPPs.

Another is the G-20’s new Global Infrastructure Hub, which shares international good practice and comprehensive data on infrastructure. The Hub has a four-year mandate to focus on five main areas: a network to share information on infrastructure projects and financing; better data on infrastructure investment; the G-20’s recommendations for voluntary lending; government officials’ capacity to share best practices; and a database to match infrastructure projects with potential investors.

It is easy to be daunted by the vast sums needed to close the gap between the infrastructure the developing world has and the infrastructure it needs to support sustainable, inclusive economic growth. But compare the world today with the world a century or more ago, and it is clear that the gap is so much narrower than it was. What will narrow it still more, and so sustain the gains in global growth, will be the spread of infrastructure know-how at the local level in emerging markets. We and our fellow multilateral institutions have a clear duty not just to increase our expertise, but also to share it.

Infrastructure

 

Central Banks Fixated on Inflation?

A reason why the central banks should not have as big as role as they now do.  Their focus on inflation may well be mistaken.

Stephen S. Roach writes:  Targeting in a world without inflation, central banks have lost their way. With benchmark interest rates stuck at the dreaded zero bound, monetary policy has been transformed from an agent of price stability into an engine of financial instability. A new approach is desperately needed.

The US Federal Reserve exemplifies this policy dilemma. After the Federal Open Market Committee decided in September to defer yet again the start of its long-awaited normalization of monetary policy, its inflation doves are openly campaigning for another delay.

For the inflation-targeting purists, the argument seems impeccable. The headline consumer-price index (CPI) is near zero, and “core” or underlying inflation – the Fed’s favorite indicator – remains significantly below the seemingly sacrosanct 2% target. With a long-anemic recovery looking shaky again, the doves contend that there is no reason to rush ahead with interest-rate hikes.

Of course, there is more to it than that. Because monetary policy operates with lags, central banks must avoid fixating on the here and now, and instead use imperfect forecasts to anticipate the future effects of their decisions. In the Fed’s case, the presumption that the US will soon approach full employment has caused the so-called dual mandate to collapse into one target: getting inflation back to 2%.

Here, the Fed is making a fatal mistake, as it relies heavily on a timeworn inflation-forecasting methodology that filters out the “special factors” driving the often volatile prices of goods like food and energy. The logic is that the price fluctuations will eventually subside, and headline price indicators will converge on the core rate of inflation.

This approach failed spectacularly when it was adopted in the 1970s, causing the Fed to underestimate virulent inflation. And it is failing today, leading the Fed consistently to overestimate underlying inflation. Indeed, with oil prices having plunged by 50% over the past year, the Fed stubbornly maintains that faster price growth – and the precious inflation rate of 2% – is just around the corner.

Missing from this logic is an appreciation of the new and powerful global forces that are bearing down on inflation. According to the International Monetary Fund’s latest outlook, the price deflator for all advanced economies should increase by just 1.5% annually, on average, from now to 2020 – not much higher than the crisis-depressed 1.1% pace of the last six years. Moreover, most wholesale prices around the world remain in outright deflation.

But, rather than recognize the likely drivers of these developments – namely, a seemingly chronic shortfall of global aggregate demand amid a supply glut and a deflationary profusion of technological innovations and new supply chains – the Fed continues to minimize the deflationary impact of global forces. It would rather attribute low inflation to successful inflation targeting, and the Great Moderation that it presumably spawned.

This prideful interpretation amounted to the siren song of an extremely accommodative monetary policy. Unable to disentangle the global and domestic pressures suppressing inflation, a price-targeting Fed has erred consistently on the side of easy money.

This is apparent in the fact that, over the last 15 years, the real federal funds rate – the Fed’s benchmark policy rate, adjusted for inflation – has been in negative territory more than 60% of the time, averaging -0.6% since May 2001. From 1990 to 2000, by contrast, the real federal funds rate averaged 2.2%. In short, over the last decade and a half, the Fed has gone well beyond a powerful disinflation in setting its policy interest rate.

The consequences have been problematic, to say the least. Over the same 15-year period, financial markets have become unhinged, with a profusion of asset and credit bubbles leading to a series of crises that almost pushed the world economy into the abyss in 2008-2009. But rather than recognize, let alone respond to, pre-crisis excesses, the Fed has remained agnostic about them, pointing out that bubble-spotting is, at best, an imperfect science.

That is hardly a convincing reason for central banks to remain fixated on inflation targeting. Not only have they failed repeatedly to get the inflation forecast right; they now risk fueling renewed financial instability and sparking another crisis. Just as a few of us warned of impending crisis in the 2003-2006 period, some – including the Bank of International Settlements and the IMF are sounding the alarm today, but to no avail.

To be sure, inflation targeting was once essential to limit runaway price growth. In today’s inflationless world, however, it is counterproductive. Yet the inflation targeters who dominate today’s major central banks insist on fighting yesterday’s war.

In this sense, modern central bankers resemble the British army in the Battle of Singapore in 1942. Convinced that the Japanese would attack from the sea, the British defenses were encased in impenetrable concrete bunkers, with fixed artillery that could fire only to the south. So when the Japanese emerged from the jungle and mangrove swamps of the Malay Peninsula in the north, the British were powerless to stop them. Singapore quickly fell, in what is widely considered Prime Minister Winston Churchill’s most ignominious military defeat.

Central bankers, like the British army in Singapore, are aiming their weapons in the wrong direction. It is time for them to turn their policy arsenal toward today’s enemy: financial instability. On that basis alone, the case for monetary-policy normalization has never been more compelling.

Measuring Inflation

 

Japan and the TPP

Considerations for Japan as they participate in TPP.

Yuriko Koiki writes:  After years of exhausting – and exhaustive – haggling, a dozen Pacific Rim countries finally signed up to the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), an agreement that promises everything from more trade to a cleaner environment. The negotiations were such that the hair of Akira Amari, Japan’s economic and fiscal policy minister, turned completely grey. His solace, however, is that the TPP will prove to be a key foundation stone of the “Asian Century.”.

China’s exclusion was no accident. Its huge and complex economy would have injected insuperable problems.  In response, China has launched its “Silk Road” initiative to create an economic zone that will favor its own priorities. It is also seeking greater trade cooperation with European countries. One example is President Xi Jinping’s recent visit to the United Kingdom – which in essence is also an attempt to weaken Britain’s “special relationship” with the US by creating a cat’s cradle of trade, financial, and investment ties with Britain.

But, as Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s recent call for talks with China on the issue confirm, the TPP is not off-limits to China – or to other Asian economies. South Korea is warming to the idea of the TPP, as is Indonesia, following President Joko Widodo’s recent visit to Washington, DC.

For Japan, the TPP is vital to achieve economic liberalization – the third arrow of “Abenomics,” the government’s program to revitalize the country’s ailing economy. The legislation to enact the TPP will simply push aside the lobbies and vested interests that have been so effective in slowing down or diverting piecemeal reforms.

The promise of greater exchange of goods, services, and capital across the Pacific, as well as the creation of international standards (for example, for intellectual-property rights), is simply too appealing to ignore. When Japan and other Asian countries weigh the risk of implementing the TPP against the risk of not participating, the risk of not participating is overwhelmingly higher.

Japan’s political challenge will be to sell the TPP to its voters, especially the farm lobby. The customs duty on beef imports, for example, is currently 38.5%. It will be 27.5% in the first year after the TPP takes effect, and will then be gradually lowered to 9% in the agreement’s 16th year.

That should surely provide more than enough time for Japanese beef ranchers to prepare themselves for foreign competition (of the 870,000 tons of beef imported annually, 520,000 tons come from Australia, the US, and New Zealand). And it will certainly be a boon for consumers, as the price of their beef-noodle soup and sukiyaki falls dramatically.

Japan’s ranchers do need time to adjust. Because they deal with animals, shortcuts cannot be taken, and there are limits to mechanization, particularly in creating the type of beef that Japanese consumers demand. Whereas ranchers in Australia and the US have huge herds of cattle, Japanese ranchers raise each individual cow on beer and massages.

The same applies to rice. Rumor has it that when the wife of a certain Chinese leader visited Japan, she bought a delicious variety of Japanese rice by the ton. Taking advantage of the worldwide sushi boom, Japan needs to emphasize that “real sushi requires Japanese rice,” branding it an exclusive product.

In fact, regardless of whether or not the TPP is implemented, Japan’s farmers must pursue this approach to secure their futures, rather than hoping that protective subsidies continue ad infinitum.

But now comes the truly hard part. The TPP has been signed – but it will not be implemented unless and until it is ratified by the legislatures of countries such as the US and Canada. That process could well be enough to turn Amari’s gray hair white.

Japan and TPP